lincoln iraq
International assessment of Iraq war coverage
Al Jazeera English's must-see weekly program Fundamentally Iraq this week focused on an assessment of worldwide media coverage of the Iraq war and position. The panel consisted of an American autonomous journalist, Robert Dreyfuss; an Israeli scribe, Akiva Eldar; and an Egyptian scribe (and former AP reporter), Nadia Abou El-Magd. They pulled no punches in their review of both American and Middle Eastern media over the last 6 years. Embedded video and photostatic follow below the fold.
Viewing note: This Wednesday, 2008-10-22 at 19:00 GMT (3pm Eastern, noontide Pacific), Al Jazeera English is having a particular edition of Inside Iraq, featuring top military advisors to US Presidential candidates Barack Obama and John McCain, debating the greatest policy for Iraq, moving forward. The legion of Inside Iraq is Jasim Azzawi, who was a translator for the US Body politic Department before joining Al Jazeera English. Surely a "must-see" program.
Inside Iraq, original air man 2008-10-17, ©2008 Al Jazeera English
Jasim Azzawi: Hello, greeting to Inside Iraq. I'm Jasim Azzawi. For all of 5 years, Iraq has gripped the notice of the world media. Journalists have reported on every light of arguably the biggest story of the 21st century. But are we getting an precise picture of events in Iraq? What role, if any, did the American media disport oneself in the run-up to the war? Could the war have been averted with more accurate coverage, and have journalists and editors clashing personal ideology and national interest in covering the piece of Iraq?
[correspondent]: The Iraq War has put the role of the media under secret scrutiny. The war has highlighted stark differences in media perspectives across the society. What the American public saw on their tv screens was often hugely different from what audiences in the Middle East saw on Arabic aide tv channels. Critics say the period of point between the 9/11 attacks and the invasion of Iraq represents one of the greatest collapses in the information of the American media. They claim that the American media effectively galvanized free opinion that led the US and its allies to go to war.
Robert Wirsing, Georgetown University: There's no insupportable that an intimidating atmosphere, corrosive sky was created — systematically, calculatedly created — to help in the job of mobilizing American media behind this travail to persuade the American people that there was a compelling objective, a compelling need, for the United States to invade Iraq.
[stringer]: Six years into the war, questions are still being asked if the media has provided impartial and objective reporting in Iraq. The US has often accused Arabic-intercourse channels of being selective in their news coverage, and flagellation up anti-American sentiments. However, like charges have been leveled against the US media, accused of supporting the American post of Iraq by providing half-truths about the strength and chaos in the country.
Wirsing: Most media narratives about the war in Iraq care for to focus on media issues, tactics out of which we fought and so forth. There's very only slightly discussion — there is some, but there is relatively narrow-minded discussion in the media about deeper questions relating to the r, why the US is in there at all, why American lives are being sacrificed, why immense sums of money that the US is spending should be — it should be on the front burner. It should be a sum of enormous importance in the media and elsewhere, but that's not the anyway a lest.
[correspondent]: The US media, which stands accused of not doing enough before the war, today seems to be compelling a more rigorous editorial position. In a humankind of satellite tv channels, Internet access, web logs, and town-dweller journalism, where media technology has facilitated the dissemination of expos and information, the focus on Iraq and how it is reported is more deep than ever.
Jasim Azzawi: In this episode, we are looking for three novel perspectives. I'm delighted to welcome from Washington, D.C., Robert Dreyfuss, who is an disinterested irrespective of journalist, and from Tel Aviv by Akiva Aldar (a.k.a. Akiva Eldar) (עקיבא אלדר), a postpositive major columnist with the Israeli newspaper Ha'aretz (הארץ), and from Cairo by Cairo chest chief of the UAE newspaper The National [announce the excellent editorial "No reason to gloat about American woes"], Nadia Abu Almagd (a.k.a. Nadia Abou El-Magd). Well-received to Inside Iraq. Akiva Eldar, as a older columnist and a reporter on Iraq, when you write, do you look at Iraq through the prism of Israeli federal interest? As Akiva Eldar sits and writes, as Akiva, or as an Israeli?
Akiva Eldar: Right question. Uh, both. First of all, of course my readers are interested in Iraq as a neighboring provinces, as an Arab country, as a potential ally for peace, maybe even an oil supplier — you be versed, after the war, we were even playing with the idea to reopen the old oil tube from Iraq to Haifa — so, naturally, what a newspaper wants to make available its readers is information which is relevant to them, and people, of indubitably, are looking into what's in it for them, once we will be able to establish standard relationship with Iraq. As a political analyst, I see Iraq as a fellow of the Arab League, which has launched the Arab Genial Initiative after the Saudi peace leadership back in March 2002, and as also a country that will agitate the stability in the Middle East, but on the other present to, I'm also asking myself, How can Israel continue by pursuing the harmony process with the Palestinians or with the Syrians to aid our American friends to put an end to their problems in Iraq, because it's very definite to us Israelis that what's good for America is sympathetic for Israel.
Jasim Azzawi: The frankness, as articulated by Akiva, is rather bracing. That begs the question: Did the American journalists rocking over for President Bush on the eve of the war, Robert?
Robert Dreyfuss: There's no question that the media, in spite of maybe some early suspicions, were quite in the tank — swallowed Euphemistic liberate, line and sinker — the President's primary rationalization for why we had to go to Iraq. He claimed — President Bush claimed that Iraq was a dire threat that had weapons of mass assassination, that was in league with al Qaeda, and of course he implied that Iraq has some relationship to what happened on September 11th. All of this was unequivocally bogus, and you can discuss whether it was a lie or whether it was an error, but in either the reality the media didn't challenge the facts. Now, for one's part, I was involved on the side of that. I wrote a number of articles, the first avail of Ahmed Chalabi, for instance, in the American media, and other pieces about the war between the Pentagon and the CIA, over whether it was a well-proportioned idea to attack Iraq and so forth. The media caved in to a T and became a cheerleader for the war. They succumbed to this patriotic — even jingoistic — march to war that took arrange, up until the war. Afterwards, as it became clear that the war was bogging down and the weapons of volume destruction didn't show up and so forth, the media began to do its job. Unfortunately, now, today, I would say the American media has almost eliminated Iraq from its pages. Today, the New York Times doesn't have a take story about Iraq.
Jasim Azzawi: I shall sign in to a decline in the coverage as well as perhaps, ostensibly, the interest of the American following in Iraq. You've been to Iraq several times — I think 6 times — before and after the war. When you look at Iraq, how do you look at it, again? Do you look at it through the eyes of an Arab newsreader, or as an independent journalist? How do you look at it?
Nadia Abou El-Magd: What I've always believed in, even in the gloominess Iraq, that journalists should try as much as possible to be objective, regardless of nation. I was very interested to see what's in Iraq; I was more, maybe as an Arab in this reason, I was more skeptic[al] about this mass — weapons of massiveness destruction, and there was amazed how it was taken stripe of like for granted by many international media, which is inveterately more critical in the all of that, but even I was in Iraq during the inspectors were there and stuff, and everybody was clarify of like, the question was not whether they have weapons of foregather destruction, it was like whether we are going to find them, so I reflect on this has changed, and every time I went to Iraq it was quality of like a different story, and I invent we also said we are going to talk about the coverage that — how now, even many journalists who are in Iraq are not really in the street, and how this has sort of — must be affecting their reporting and for the mightiness and for the dangers that are in there. But again, to go back to the beginning of your question, I had group of like mixed feelings about — I had no illusions about who Saddam was and what he did to the Iraqi people, but I was not certain that this was the right way to take him out of power and of the implications —
Jasim Azzawi: So, you separated it from Saddam: Saddam might be a ill-bred dictator, but he knew in advance that the collapse to Iraq might be far wider than people anticipated. Akiva Eldar, there is some systematize of correlation between the American occupation of Iraq and the Israeli vocation of the West Bank and Gaza. Do you be hip to to that? Do you kind of make a comparison?
Akiva Eldar: I improvise that the American occupation and specifically the molestation of the human rights in Iraq itself or in Guantánamo, makes it in a way consciously or unconsciously easier for the Israelis to red-hot with the occupation and violation of human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, without even having to allude to it. Now it's easier to defend —
Jasim Azzawi: So, if the Americans...
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